
£y25 
.3V 



HOLUNGER 

pH8.5 

MILL RUN F3.1343 



Albany Atlas Extra, April ii, 1850. 

.897 

REMAEKS 



OF 



HON. SILAS M. BURROUGHS, 



OF ORLEANS, 



IN ASSEMBLY, JAN, 2a AND FEB, 13, 1850, 



OV THE 



ilESOLUTIONS RELATING TO THE SUBJECT OF 

SLAVERY. 



ALBANY: 

ft. a. VAN DYCK, PRINTER— ATLAS OFFICE, 
1850. 



audibly in i-upport of their dvvn resriluiions — 
Not one man iea<ty to utter a wnrd ! the boldest 
not cl?ririg; to speak! the tiniid source able to 
breathe ! What has caoser) this painlul silence ; 
this woiiilerlui change? Is the signet of the 
King upon their lips? Has Zachar- the First 
commanded the waves ot agitation to be still ? 
and do these giant billows obey ? Has the mes- 
saeelroni ttie Wliile House wrought tiiis s;rcaf — 
this magical change? Are gentlemen, who but 
yestu'diiy were ready to shoulder their musket-i 
to prevent the extension of slavery prid preserve 
the Union, now ready to retreat? Can this be 
80? D'> appearances deceive me? Dare they 
even whistle Yaiikre Doodle to console them- 
selves ? I am surprised, gentlemen, at your lack 
of courage, at this change ot front, this general 
dismay and consternation in yiur ranks; it will 
excite surprise in and nut ol this Hou-e. If it 
be the in'ention to make an entire surrender ol 
the Eveat v»hig party ot the North to the demand 
of Ztcharv Ta>lor, hor'-e, foot, standard and all, 
and that without demanding terms, without de- 
cent articles of capitulation, and all this at the 
mere will of the President— if you will thus sur- 
render your fiee-soil yirinciples, if you are pre- 
pared Ithus to dig your political graves — and I 
warn you that such will be the efTeit of this sui- 
cidal act of siiirender — without even a sho^v of 
resistance, let the rogue's march be played at 
your vetieat; and your political graves be so 
deep that no dream of resurrection may ever pene- 
trate its black and dismal depths. 

Do I mistake the purport and design of the 
President's late Message? Unkirtunately, Sir, 
there is no room or chai ce to mi.-take it, it is a 
total and complete surrender to all ihe dern-tnds 
of the South. 1 had hoped that the President 
would III some small degree res()ect the opinions 
and wishes of the North upon this subject, but 
that hope has been annihilated by this message. 
I read its contents with pain and mortification, 
and I venture the assertion that there is not a 
man in this State or this Union w hose heart beats 
right to the cause of Freedom who did not read 
that message with pain. Sir, what does it tell 
us? Does it not virtually recommend an uiicon 
ditional surrender to southern di( tation ? I a.sk 
what more was ever deir;anded by the youth? — 
Nothing. The whole prayer of the South is ex- 
pressed in three li'tle woid-, " let wt alone.'"— 
Sir, this message is in complete harmony with 
the views of the gentlemen from New Y.irk, (Mr. 
Monroe,) who has said so much in prai.-e ol 
♦* masterly inactivity." The South claims it is a 
constitutional right lo settle our Territories and 
carry their slaves with them; they demand delay 

time to get into these Territories with their 

"domestic iiii,titutio7i." President Taylor says: 

" Seei-sr, then, that the sulject wh ch now excites such 
painlul ^■ ii'sations in the country, will inthe end certainly 
be settle i>y the silent effect of causes, inde|*n Jent of the 
action o' ' ongress, I again iubmi' to j our wisiloni the po- 
licy lec umended in my Annual Mes.'age, ot awa.ting 
the salu'i y opeiations or these causes, believing that we 
shall tliu- ivoid the creation of geogrnphical paities. and 
secure tl. Iiarmony and feeling so necessary to the bene- 
ficial acuuu of our political system." 

Read this whole message, glean from its stu- 
died ambiguity its true import and intent, the 
design which it was intended to subserve — and 



what is it? "Let llie Svutii a/one, leave this 
matter to be adjusted by time, aided by Ihe " s£- 
/(■«/ ffffct of caUKfs inilfpeiident of the action 
iij Coiisrfss " What, sir, is to be the result of 
this '^silent fff^ct of causes iii'lrpenilent of the 
action oj Confirtss ?' 1 he honorable gentleman 
from Albany (Mr Nott) has in a very eloquent 
manner told us w hat the re.sult would be : he has 
very properly referred to the speeches ot South- 
ern gentlemen to give point and significance to 
this subject. 

In the speech of Mr. Clingman of North Caro- 
lina, delivered in the House of Representatives, at 
Washington, occurs this remarkable passage : — 
" The iden thbt the conquered people rhould be permit, 
'ed to e'we law to the co queiors, is so preposterously ah. 
surd, that I do not intend lo argue it. Doubtless, these 
people would be willing, not only to < xclude Elaviholders, 
but all other A meric^ns, if, by a simple vole, they were al- 
lowi d to do so. I may remai k lurther, that but lor the an- 
ti slavery ngit.tion,« ur southern slaveholders woti'dhave 
can ied their negroes into the mines ot ( alilornia in such 
numbers, that I have to doubt but that tlie niajDiity there 
would have made it a slaveholding Slate We have been 
deprived of all chance of this by the Northern movements, 
mid by the iciion of this House, which has, by Noiihein 
votfs, repeatedly, from time to lime, passpd the VVilmot 
Proviso, so as in eftect to exclude ourinstitutions, without 
the actual passage rl a law for that purpose It is a m»re 
larce, theiefore, without giving oui- people time to go into 
the cc uiitry , ii they desiie to do so, to allow the inilividu. 
als iheie, by a vote, to exclude a whole class of our citi- 
zens. This would imply that the teiri'oiy belonged to 
the people the'e exclusively, and not to aU the people of 
the United States." 

It will not be denied that Mr. Clingman speaks 
the sentiments of Ihe South, that he truly de- 
dares their opinions ; and it is a significant fact, 
that he fully endorses and approves the message 
of the President. In his speech upon this very 
message, occupying one entire page of the Union 
newspaper, not one word ot dissent to Ihe P.esi- 
dent's message is to be found. I understood the 
gentleman from Erie, (Mr. Ford,) in his speech 
yesterday, to say "that slavery would not tie ex- 
tended irito the territories, except by positive en- 
actment." Agreeing with ihe nonor^hle gentle- 
man from New York, (Mr. Moivhoe,) the gentle- 
man from Erie is also in lavor of "nia.sttr/i/ inac- 
tivity " 1 may be allowed to congratulate the 
"independent party" that he is so well sustained 
by the gentlei' an from Eric, by the President's 
message, by Mr. Clingman and the entire Snuth. 
What, sir, is the position ot the '^IniJtpfiidt7it 
Party" on this fl^or ? Is it notwdl known to 
be in direct hostility to what the sentiment of the 
whig party was sup[)osed to be three days ago ? — 
Was It not understood that he would not stipfiort 
the resolutions of the minority? Is it not well 
known that the gentleman entirely agrees with 
the South upon this subject, and opposes agita- 
tion with a zeal surpassing all agitation here, 
and without any parallel, .save in the South ? 
We were furnished yesterday with a strong argu- 
ment in tavor of adopting some resolutions upon 
this subject. What was that argument ? It was 
fashionable! Jt was fashionable ! That was 
the reason. I commenil the gentleman to vot£ on 
this question "because it is Jaslnonable !" And 
why is it fashionable? I wili answer that ques- 
tion. It is because the people entertain a deep 
seated and abiding feeling hostile to the exten- 
sion of slavery. Will you trim your sails to catch 
the popular breeze ? Will you set your sails os 



as to suit the popular wirut ? And fh«*n deal ho 
fabely — so treacherouxly with the public mind as 
to say that you vote to accord with public opin- 
ion, bpcaiise it is "fasfiiatialile .'" I coinnifiid 
the people to consider the import of the.ne words. 
I coniliieiid to llio^e who love freedom and hale 
oppression to weiuli tliein well ; and I .•otnmend 
the i;entleman Iroin Rrie (Mr. I'i'RD.) to his coi\- 
stituenls to answer tor i|ie>ie words. This sub- 
ject then, in certain quar'ers, afier all the pre- 
tences that we have heard lor the last three years 
is simply tolerated by some gentlemen because it 
is ^^fa-hianable ! !" 

My memory, sir, is not Ireachprous, nor am I 
fornetl'ul entirely of the pa».t. I renieinber the 
position in which this matter stood three years 
ae;o. I recollect that when \ve were at war with 
MeNico, a proposiiion was tietore the N.iiiooal 
Letjislature to borrow a certain snin of money I" 
can V on the war, or raiher to brini; about pe^ice 
It was expected thai with peace we should obtain 
a lariie amount of territory from Mexico; Ibis 
money was intended to secure such a result. — 
^Vhen that propo-'ilion was under considi r.ition 
in the Congress of the Uni'ed States, a proposi- 
tion wa-> made as a condition ot the loan intended 
to acqu re territory, that slavery should he forever 
|)roliihited in such territory if acquired This 
was objected to as likely to embarrass the novern- 
menf, and if persisted in that it would iiiflict up- 
on the country the U'ineces«ary continuance of 
the war Whilst I did not choose to impeach the 
intentions of those v^ho introduced and urs;ed that 
Proviso, I agreed with those who thoujiht it un 
Tiecesary, inexpedient, and premature. I thou:iht 
it would be time i nongh when we had acquired 
the territory and shduld form a covernment tor it. 



wouhl he redeemed. Tfie people relied unoo 
liiese pledijps— A«wv//v relitd u/imi thrm — and 
Uave lo the country their (.upiiorl, ih^ir treasure 
and tfieir blood. Th'-v now ilemniul ih^f iheie 
promi-!es shall he perlormed — these pleilges rc- 
deem'il ; and they t'ave a right to expect anJ de- 
mand llieir fulfuiient. 

The«e pledijes were made in honorable places, 
bv the serv lilts of the t.eople, noon whoin they 
relied. Is there a man in the Norib so base, 60 
recreant to truth and honor, as to i;ive such 
pledges and dare to defraud the people by refiig- 
i'.j; to redeem them .' h my recollection at fault? 
n.) I mistake history.' is the recor.l true.' — 
Who, tlien. aciirtif as a public servant, "hall dare 
10 di-obev ih" voice of ihe people? Yet I hear 
aenllemen in this lla'.l clsimintr that ac'mn.even 
now, U preinntiire. Tlie KHntleinan from Erie 
(Mr Ford.) insist-* that action is " Unnecessary 
and preninlure" H there is one sentence in 
ihaf uenlleman's speech (all wriiien wiih pecu- 
liar care,) entitled to ihe credit of beinit drawn 
with skill and care(ulnes«, it is (h t in which he 
deprecates action a- "premature" and ontimely. 
Permit me to ask when the lime will an ive when 
xciion uimn fnis siibjef't will not be prem \ture.' 
The gentleman from New York (.Mr Waters,) 
said that nature had estabiishe.l her l.iws upon 
this subject ; that the hills and plain* of this fair 
land cried out again-t slavery ; that slav.-ry could 
not be planted there, owinii to the soil and cli- 
mate ot the country, and this neiuleman, too, in 
harmony with ttie '' iiuUpendent party," pre- 
fers to leave this matter to the '• silent workinpfs 
of natural causes" Hut I heir to know if ihesie 
Irtws of nature were not established more than 
six thousand years aiio, and on what spot of God's 



to provide against the introilu tinn of slavery. I earth have they been respected. Shall we wait 
recollect quite well that an honorable senator from for the silent operation of the " laws of nature" 
this Slate (.Mr. Dickinson.) then took this view ot which have been so Ions; in operation, and which 



the question — that it was preuiature, but that il 
terriiory should be acquired, he would then be 
ready to letjislate in accordance wiih the opinions 
of the North to prevent the extension of slavery. 
Our leading public journals held the same Ian 
guage, and opposed the Proviso ajjainst slavery 
simply because it was premature. This was the 
argument, and at the same time these journals 
pledged their oppositi(m lo the extension of sla- 
very, if territory should be acquired, and asserted 
that the North w^ould act together as one man 
against the extension of slavery. It was theonly 
course which could put down or quiet putilic 
feeling. The freemen of the North said with (uie 
voice : " IVe will not have this teiritory if it is 
to be slave territory." \Ve said to them, "let u- 
acquire this country and it sliall be free. The 



have a' yet failed to establ-ish the principles of 
freedom and justice, or shall we ourselves act.' 
If I understand the liw ol nature, one importatit 
element in the creation of this law is, that it 
shall be recognized by man, on whom it acts. 
By nature, I understand the universe and the 
sjsfem of laws by which it is governej. By that 
term I understand God himself is represented. 
By what meani does Deity act.' By ibe feeble 
agency of man— so [ have been accustomed to be- 
lieve. But it seems now that the "silent opera- 
liim" of the law of nature in some mvs'erious 
manner, is to accomplish this great work of re- 
lorm, and that there is no necessity for action on 
our part. But leaving the visionary phylosophy 
of gentlemen, let us consult tarts, ind see if it be 
not iniended to violate these laws of nature. In 



potent voice of the North will be respected — the | the South they avow the intention locarry slaves 



advancing spirit of the age will guarantee the su 
premacy ol tree principles The North will act 
together; there will be no discord here. VVe 
shall all think, and act, and vo'e alike ; no dis- 
cordant vt'ice shall be heard in the North. \Ve 
will give to this territory, when we have ac- 
iquiied It, a free republican government, //ro/jf<»i<- 
i/i": nldvery forever " No man's memory can be 
so (rail as ttiat he can have forgotten this. I ac- 
cepted those promises. My course has been re- 
gulated by honest expectations that these fair 
promises would be peifyrmed ; that these pledges 



to these territories; large numtiers of slaves are 
air.-ady there. Slaveholders uflirm that t.he Con- 
stitutiiin of the Uiuled Slates, secures lo them the 
light tocarry iheir property with them into these 
territories— to establish their "domestic institu- 
tions" there. They pretend that the "Heaven- 
born institution of negro slavery is one ot their 
inalienable rights," and that Congress has no 
power to legivlate ag.jnst this right. They pro- 
claim their inteiiiion to establish slavery ih.-re at 
every hazard. They tell us that tiiey intend no. 
thing short of a dissulution ot the Union, unlesa 



6 



we accede to their views. We have read re«i<)|u 
tions adopted in one of their State If gis'atures, 
callihs: tipon the Governor for information as ti 
"whether the arms of the State were in trood re 
pair, in suitable condition to meet the emert'Cii 
cy." We sit here tamely, and hear this, and some 
gentlemen "put their trust in the silent workines 
of the laws ol nature ! ! !" The men of the South 
trust to };on(i muskets and "keep tlieir po^\der 
dry." This is all well if thev intend to dissolve 
the Union by force of arms. That would be quite 
a serious undertakinjj, and should not be attempt- 
ed without verv careful preparation. Some gen- 
tlemen of the Snuth insist that "ihe Union is al- 
ready dissolvfd." They mu-it give the matter a 
spiritual interpretation. The secret is probab'y 
hidden from us fnim want of faith. All recol- 
lect the famous prediction of Father Miller some 
years ago, that the end of the world wis at hand 
The appointed day and hour for the rata>itrophe 
passed, and we were "nnscorchi'd" hut the true 
believers insisted that the event had actually tak- 
en place, and eave the prediction aspirilu 1 in- 
terpretation, which left us all unharmed, and 
their faith undisturbed. 

If the dissolution of the Union has already ta- 
,ken place, it has been quite a harmle-^s atf.iir. — 
If it is yet to be accomplished by arms and l)lood, 
it is a serious matter to contemplate, and it is 
well we should have timely notice, of the day 
fixed upon for (he event. But, sir, I am no 
alarmist. The gentleman from New York {Mr. 
Monroe) who enjoys such a passion of terror 
upon this subject, has succeeded in communica- 
ting the paroxisms to but few. The gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Waters) said yesterday, 
that there was no necessity for pa'^singany resolu- 
tions upon this subject ; that public opinion did 
not demand action, and that all the public opin- 
ion we had to guide us was the newspapers So 
far as my knowledge of public opinion has gone, 
I have observed that the newspapers never lead 
the public mind, but are alw.iys behind it, and il 
often happens that the greatest incubus on the 
public miud are those very newspapers. ']"hey 
refuse to reflect the views of the people, and 
stifle a just and honest expression of them, to 
gratify olil prejudices or accomplish private ends. 
The gentleman who thus characterise public' 
opinion, who finds it nowhere but in the news 
paper, cannot be very well acquainted with the 
people. Pro slavery men in the Ncrtli, not d.ir- 
ing to meet this question of sljvery extension 
fairly, are ever shilling the issue, reading us lont; 
homilies about abolitionism, fanaticism, &c. — 
The gentleman from New York indulges, also, in 
an episode on negro suffrage, in hopes to divert 
the attention of his whis friends from the ques- 
tion before us by reminding them of old errors, 
doubtless hoping to save them from cornmitiinga 
still greater error in acting upon this subject — 
He points them to old majorities and to the pre- 
sent minority, to their former power, and theii 
present weakness, and attributes all their mislor- 
luries to their blunders in supporting slavery agi 
tation. Let me remind that gentleman that the 
Whigs have never lost ground in coiisequence of 
their zeal for the spread and maintair'ance of free 
principles, but from a distrust lodged in the pub- 
lic mind, that their professions were empty of 



uieaninsi — unsupported by intention, and I know 
nothins better calculated to deepen this convic- 
tion of distrust, than the course of the gentleman 
from New York, and those who act with him. — 
Must this subject be forevfr embarrassed by false 
issues and sophistry.' When will gentlemen 
learn to look at the matter in its simple form, as 
the people reirard it ? What connection h^s abo- 
lition with this subject .' and what has negro suf- 
frage to do with the matter.' The question, gen- 
ilerned, conimended to your consideration is sim- 
ply this: — Are\ou in (avor of extending slavery 
to free territory, or are you opposed to it? If 
you are in favor of slavery, speak out plainly, and 
not attempt to hide your real sentiments, by feign- 
ed issues and false pretences. If you are opposed 
to it let your votes and speeches be directed with 
honest efiTor', to the simple question. Do you, 
gentlemen, who encourage Southern principles 
on the tree soil of New York, tear the people, — 
fe.ir Ihe popular voice .' It is well to consult your 
tears when ninety-nine out of every hundred are 
aijainst you, and a little more prudence might 
lead you to acquiesce in the public mind, which 
you will find cannot be misled by false issues, or 
deceived by false pretences. Some gentlemen 
eiitertained us with the opinion that in estab- 
lishing a provision to prevent the extension of 
sla\ery, we should but be re enacting a law of 
nature. This law, I suppose, was in existence 
when we had slaves in this State. Slaves thro'- 
out the Union (with Ihe exception of a single 
Slate) slavery in every valley and upon every 
barren mountain; — the same "law of nature" was 
then in force, the same "silent causes" were then 
at work, but a law was found to be necessary to 
extirpate slavery and prevent its existence. 

Another artrument upon which great stress wag 
laid and great reliance placed, was, that weshoultj 
"embarrass the administration," "embarrass Gen. 
Taylor.'' The gentleman made his peroration orj 
this point, and some notice should perhaps be 
taken of it. Two years ago it was proclaimed 
throughout the North that General Taylor was a 
free soil man; that he would sanction and op- 
hold Northern sentiment upon this subject ; his 
letters were cited as proof. Who has loraotten 
his famous Signal letter, in which he endorsed 
the sentiment of an out-and out opponent of sla- 
very and slave evtension. The whigs of the 
North then claimed that an ordinance was neces- 
sary to prevent the eqiension of slavery, and 
avowed themselves to be the true friends of the 
" Wilmot proviso." They scoffed at the doctrine 
of " non-inierftrence," and demanded a prohibi- 
tory ordinance. 'I'ne friends of General Taylor 
claimed that he would be true to the North ; and 
I would ask their attention to the resoluiions 
adopted by them in the legislature of ]S4S and 
1S49, unanimously demanding a prohibitory or- 
dinance asiainst slavery extension and instructing 
Congress to take immediate action. Now your 
Whig President a.«.ks you to " stave off " the sub- 
ject and leave it to ihe '^'^ silent effect of natural 
causes." And you, who but three days ago were 
charuing democrats with an intention to ^' stave 
o(f'' the question, to "y/?</ ojf action" because we 
lesired to reler the niaiter to a committee, now 
find yourselves compelled to acquiesce in the 
opinions of General Taylor " lest you should em- 



barrass his wl ministration," compellnl (o acqui- 
esce in the views and wishes of the Rmj'h, lest 
you should cnibiirras^f the Whig a<l(niiiiHfrafion. 
Do you intend to bow ilown servile neckri fn 
the President ? Has your lenislation for the last 
two yearrf been a farce ? Have all yovir profes- 
sions been eiiipty and hypocritical ? 

If General 'r;iylnr holds s^nch views and opin- 
ions as you h^ve claimed for him — it he is indeed 
a free soil tnan, as you have pretended for the 
last two years, how are you to embarrass his ad- 
ministration by passiiin resolutions declaring the 
opinions of northern whies who supported and 
elected him ? The gentleman from New York, 
(Mr. Waters,) a " good Free Soil Whig" of 
course, warns us not to pass these resolutions — 
that they will ** embarrass the JVhii( Adminis- 
tration." How i* it to embarrass the Adminis- 
tration ? Has General Taylor designs to accom- 
plish which are at war with these resolutions ? 
Do these resolutions interfere with the "silent 
ivor/eings of nntiiral causes" which are to peo- 
ple the south-west with negro slaves ? Does the 
gentleman expect that every honest whig in the 
House will lay down his opinions and principles 
at the beck of the President and adopt the prin- 
ciples of slaveholders, and obey their will ? II 
so, I hope he will be disappointed. I should re- 
gret to see a man in this State — the " indepen- 
dent party" always excepted — identify himselt 
with the gentleman from New York, (iVIr. Wa- 
ters.) 

Gentlemen, you have put yourselves on record 
here several days ago. You said before this mes- 
sage came here from the While House, by your 
resolutions, that is the point we will stand upon ; 
1 commend you to stand there— not to retract — 
You talki d of our retracting a day or two ago; 
now I find myself obliged to entreat — to beseech 
you not to abandon your ground. Ten days ago 
one would have supposed, by the debates in 
this House, that the whole Free Soil feeling 
and honest sentiment in this State was in the 
Whig party — that the other side were deter- 
mined to stifle debate, to stave off discussion 
and bury this subject in a Select Committee ot this 
House, so that it could not be reached during the 
session. You were then loud to proclaim the im- 
perious necessity of immediate action. The gen- 
tleman from Albany, (Mr. Pruyn.) said that 
there was the most urgent necessity for immediate 
action — that California was knocking for adniis- 
eion into the Union, and the territories were des- 
titute of government — that Congress should im- 
mediately act, — should prohibit slavery, and our 
voice should be heard at Washington, urging en 
the necessity of providing governments lor the 
Territories, which should be in accordance with 
the northern sentiment. Such was the zeal ol 
the whiirs then — such their earnestness on the 
subject that three or tour gentlemen 9pran;» to 
their feet at once, the gentleman Irom N. York 
(Mr. Raymond,) among the number; another 
i!;entleman from New Yoik, (Mr. Bowev,) and 1 
don't know how many mure — in an etfort to get 
the floor, to urge action. In the Senate, too, 
there were several whigs very busy and earnest 
in moving this subject, as if there was a necessi- 
ty for immediate action. These gentlemen were 
then acting under an impulse derived from their 



constituents. They spoke to un then earnestly, 
if not with somothinir of passion. The§e very 
gentlemen are now silent, here — Heemingly dia- 
pnsed to fake a silent vote on this subject, and 
that after being told that these resolutions were 
merely intended as a compliance with f.ishion — 
after the allegation had been made that public 
opinion e.xisted in the newspapers only. 

1 shall not now attempt to t).)int out the reso- 
lutions which best expre'<s my opinion. I like 
the first resolution of the majority, particularly 
he latter part of it which asserts our fietermina- 
tion to resist all attempts to di«s')lve the Union, 
ft is due to ourselves that we make this declara- 
tion, and that we make it now. It is said at the 
South that they will dissolve the Union. It is 
due to ourselves and to the country to say, that 
we will firmly resist any such attempt by all 
means necessary to secure the integrity of the go- 
vernment. The gentleman from Erie, (Mr.' 
Ford,) while commenting upon these threats of 
Southern gentlemen and Southern legislatures, 
asks, " What mpssage shall New York send to 
Washington ? Sha'.l it be a message of peace, or 
the barbed arrow and the poisoned dart.'" Sir, I 
am in favor of peace. I love peace. Rut if we 
are to have peace connected only with dishonor, 
with the surrender of our rights, with the pros- 
tration of free j)rinciple3, with the difTusion and 
perpetuation ot slavery, will thp gentleman ac- 
cept peace upon such terms? While the South 
is threatening to dissolve the Union, unless per- 
mitted to have her own way, theeenlleman cries, 
let us send a message of peace. Why did he not 
say, let us send the while flag .' and ai-k for the 
terms on which they were to spare us. Sir, if 
the gentleman intends to characterize these reso- 
lutions as "barbed arrows" and " poisoned darts," 
I am in favor of sending barbed arrows and poi- 
sonous darts; and that this intention shall not be 
misunderstood. In anticipation of harm to the 
South, from his resolutions, perhaps, the gentle- 
man sought to send a little milk and water along, 
as an antidote to the poison, or to heal the wounds 
they might inflict. His sjieech, prepared with 
so much care, was well calculated to serve that 
purpose, and was doubtless intended for that hu- 
mane office. 

When the numerous resolutions, upon this sub- 
ject were sent to a Select Committee, it was ex- 
pected that, with adue regard to public opinion, 
all of them would be taken up and considered, 
and an attempt made fairly to embody public 
opinion, in a shape that would be acceptable to 
the great majority of this House. We waited 
patiently for the discharge of that duty; waited a 
week, and it turns out that during this whole 
time the committee had the subject under con- 
sideration lor half an hour onl); and did not 
look at half the resolutions sent to them for con- 
sideration. I voted to go into committee ot the 
whole upon this subject, because under the cir- 
cumstances I deemed it proper to do so, and be- 
sides I had committed myself to such a course 
before ttie vote was taken to refer to a Select 
Committee, and I understood other gentlemen to 
be 80 committed. Entertaining the opinion that 
it was our duty to make a trank honest, a id 
unequivocal expression of the opinion of tfie 
people of this State upon this subject, I bave ac'ed 



8 



solely with that purpose in view, and believing 
that there was danger that this subject might be 
determined by Congress, in a manner unfriendly 
to our free institutions, and hostile to the rights of 
the people of the Northern States. I am in favor 
of instructing our Senators and representatives in 
Congress to insist upon the adoption of all laws 
and ordinances necessary to prevent the exten- 
sion of slavery into our free territories, and I 
hope this committee will be governed by such 
views. The second resolution offered by the 
gentleman from Erie, reads thus: — 

Besolved, (if the Senate concur.) That the people of 
the State of New York are uncompromisingly opposed to 
the extension of slavery into any territory of the Uni'eii 
States where it does not now exist, and that our Senators 
in Congress are hereby instructed, and our Kepresenta- 
lives requested to use their best efforts to prevent such ex- 
tension, by such constitutional legislation as may be ne- 
cetsary. 

The speech of that gentleman was to the effect 
that no congressional action was demanded by 
the present emergency, and that it mightdo mis- 
chief ! There is the text and here is the com- 
mentary. There is but little correspondence. I 
supposed that it was the duty of him who treats 
on any subject to see that his commentary agreed 
with the text. The gentleman seems determined 
that if his text should go to Washington, its force 
must be blunted, — if the arrow is sent, its baibs 
must be first broi<en — and the poisoned dart must 
be dipped in " milk and water." And he assigns 
as a reason " that measures have been taken in 
several Southern States to dissolve the Union, 
and we should approach them with kind and con- 
ciliatory words." Language of submission, T sup- 
pose, it necessary, to save the Union from threat- 
ened dismemberment. Have I mistaken the 
spirit of the gentleman's speech ? II I have not, 
the substance and intent of that speech was to this 
efTect : — " We are obliged to be in the fashion at 
home ; we must .^end a message to Congress ex- 
pressing the opinions of the people. But that it 
may do the one no good and the other no harm, 
we will send our commentary along to deprive 
our message of its force and meaning, and save 
for ourselves the ' oder of nationality.'" This is 
the plain English of the whole speech in a few 
words. 

In another part of his speech, the gentleman 
enjoins noji-inierfirence with the dcmestic in- 
stitutions of tlie South. There is no man in the 
State who has heard this subject discussed or. 
read its history, who does not know the meaning 
of these significant words, " domestic institu- 
tions." Their application to this subject is well 
understood to mean slavery. Does the gentle 
man mean ;o say in his speech that we must not 
interfere to prevent the extension of this *^ do- 
mestic institution" into our tree territories .' — 
His resolutions were understood as asserting our 
right to interfere ; his speech indicates his real 
opinions, I suppose, that we should not interfere 
Let these two statements stand together, and their 
meaning be ascertained together. I am sorry, sir, 
— it is a subject of profound regret, to find my- 
self compelled to difler in opiiiion with the gen- 
tleman from Erie, lor whom I entertain a cordial 
respect. But I cannot consent that along with 
our resolutions, which are intended to promote 
an honest and important purpose, vital to our in- 



terests and essential to the future glory, welfare, 
and honor of the republic — that with them should 
go out uncontradicted a commentary upon them 
such as 1 have de.'cribed. and that, too, emana- 
ting from a member of the democratic party of 
this State. It is not true to the opinions of that 
party — it is not faithful to the opinions of the 
people of this State. Public opinion — well ma- 
tured, honest public opinion — upon this subject, 
in this State, is hostile to the further spread of 
slavery. Ourduty here is plain; that duty should 
be dircharged in good faith. We should adopt 
plain explicit resolutions, expressing the opin- 
ions of the people, and such resolutions should 
be sustained by our votes and speeches here. 

I am not the only man in this House who felt 
the dagger in that speech pointed at his own con- 
scientious opinions. The gentleman shall have 
the advantage of a frank expression of my opin- 
ions and the opinions of others on this point. — 
After occupying the time of the House with the 
suggestions to which I have referred, the gentle- 
man called on the democracy of this State and 
reminded them of the imperious necessity of 
speaking together and acting tog;ether, and that 
that action should be in the direction he had 
pointed out, in order to preserve harmony among 
them I do not so understand this. I believe, 
sir, I do not mistake the opinions of the demo- 
cratic party of this State, when I say that it is 
understood among them that on this subject there 
is not perfect unanimity of sentiment; that every 
man is at liberty to express his own opinions 
without being called in question. I understand 
that to have been reiterated in many places and 
adopted as the sentiment of the democratic party, 
that on this subject men speak for themselves. — 
If the gentleman from Erie had been contented 
to say, ^'these are my opinions" I should not 
have found fault; but when he attempts to make 
the democratic party responsible for his opinions. 
I repudiate them for myself and for those who 
differ with him on this subject. In these resolu- 
tions we speak, as a legislature, what we believe 
to be the sentiments of our constituents, and 
ought to speak honestly. I mean to vote here on 
my oath, and as honestly as if I expected to meet 
it at the final Bar to-morrow. I will not be over- 
a^fed by any man, or combination of men. I am 
happy to hear from various quarters that this i» 
not to be regarded as a mere party question. I 
respond to that sentiment; it is above all other 
questions, involving principles long since avow- 
ed by our government in the most solemn forms— 
principles upon which the very foundation of our 
government rests. The pillars of our noble re- 
public stand upon this safe, righteous foundation, 
and you cannot disturb it without endangering 
the public liberty. 

The gentleman from Erie says that the people 
of the North are all opposed to the extension of 
slavery, that we only disagree as to the manner 
in which it is to be prevented. Some balieve 
that Congress has the rightful authority to pre- 
vent the extension of slavery by positive ordin- 
ance ; others that Congress has no such power, 
and that its exercise is a usurpation of power not 
conferred by the constitution. This is substan- 
tially, though not verbally, his statement, and he 
very properly adds "that it is a eubject upon 



which we may ()ro|ierly a^jree to disagree." To 
this I yield my hearty concurrence. I would 
not break wiih a political fritnd for difTiTiiie 
with ine in oiiinion upon the constitutional ques- 
tion. I would not even in the slinhlest mnnnpr 
call ills ritjht cit'oiiiiiion in question. This is the 
general feeliiin; amoiiR all honest and well mean- 
ing (temocrats. This was expressly assured at 
the Rome Convention, to which rft'erence has 
been made by some pentlemen on this floor. — 
Those who believe that Coiitjress has no authori- 
ty to le^islaie upon this sulijert are not expected 
to surrender their opinions. No such sacrifice is 
demanded by any party consideration. 

Others who believed that Conjjress possesses 
this power, upon their oaths, must so record their 
votes, and no man, who is at heart a democrat — 
who is worthy of association in that great broth- 
erhood, who believes in the personal rishts of con- 
science — whose motto is Toleration, can ques- 
tion that vote. He who would attempt an act so 
base, is unworthy the name of democrat. Sir, no 
man on this floor will venture upon such ground, 
who respec's the rights of others, or his own 
standing as a republican. This personal right 
has too often been recognized by the democratic 
party to be c lied in question now. At Rome, at 
Syracuse, at Utica, sir, in all your State Conven- 
tions, in all yiiur County Conventions, this liber- 
al, tolerant spirit has prevailed. In this our har- 
mony is consulted — upon this our future union 
depends. Upon this broad platform we can build 
sure hopes — destroy it, and all hopes of future 
harmony and success, are blasted in an hour. — 
The gentleman from Albany (Mr. Pruyn,) seems 
disposed to claim that this is purely a whig- 
party measure ; that the whigs all hold the same 
opinion. He torgets the position of his whig 
friend from New York, who represents a certain 
portion of the whig party, called ttie independ- 
ent party. The party was supposed a few days 
ago to be a unit on this floor, but it is now under- 
stood to be a trinity at least ; and it is well known 
that a very respectable number of other gentle- 
men — whigs — are to join the standard of the chi- 
valrous gentlemap) who heads a section of the whig 
party who entertain a great hcrror of agitation ; 
whose motto is '' let the subject alone," *' let the 
South have their own way" — who claim themes- 
sage Irom the White House as their declaration 
of priticiples — who join in the Dox-ology to Gen 
Taylor, and call U()on the whigs to rally around 
the standard of Zachary the P'lrst. 

The gentleman from Erie (Mr Ford,) is not 
insensible to the merits of the President's mes- 
sage, and gives ' good hope" to the gentleman Irom 
INew York (Col. Mo.nroe.) that he is to have re- 
cruits from a quarter whence he had least reason 
to look (or friends. The gentleman from Albany 
will be obliiied, alter this demon^tration among 
his whig triends and others, to "call witnesses" 
to prove that this is a whig measure— that the 
whig party are agreed in opinion on this question 
— and it the accessions to the "independent party" 
continue at this rate, that portion of his liiends 
who go lor '■'masterly inactivity" will be in the 
majority and his witnesses would not avail him 
to establish the point for which he so earnestly 
contends. Can he withstand the potent voice oi 
the President? I hope so, I hope there will 



be left at least one monument of "uiibendinK 

whig integrity;" one whig, at least, who will 
.lare to ntand up against this messuL'e, ho threat- 
ening to the rights and cxp* ctations of the North. 
I hope, sir, that he will not only vote fur the re- 
sdluiions of the gonilenian fmm New York, (Mr. 
Raymonp.) but that he will give emphasis and 
effect tothci.se resolutions by a speech worthy of his 
head and heart as a man and an American citizen. 
I hope, also, to hear troni the honorable genll«'man 
who intro.:ured thfse re-olutions, (Mr. Ray- 
mond,) whnsp genius and elo<|nence can never be 
more worthily employed ; and it would afl.ird me 
the highest pleasure if ih" learned and eloquent 
gentleman from Albanv (Mr. Nott,) would for- 
i;et the terrors of "agitation." and bring to the 
-upport of these resolutions his learning and elo- 
quence. Sir, this is not the country— this is not 
the age — this is not the placp, to deprecate "agi- 
tation." Liberty owes her birth not to "mas/er- 
ly inactivity." 

Objection is made to the diccussion of this 
question by some gpntlemen that it was an exci- 
ting subject, and calculated to alienate the differ- 
ent sections of the Union. Some feared that the 
agitation of the question would create war and 
rend the Union asunder. Those who entertain- 
ed such fears would of course carefully calculate 
upon the effect of every act likelv to produce 
such unfortunate results, but it so happens that 
in a certain quarter of the Union, where asiita- 
tinn is so much deprecated, they were early io 
the field of controversy and first to prolcaim 
their settled purpose to have this question dis- 
Bosed of in accordance with their wishes. First 
to proclaim their rights as "they understood 
them." Nor were they backward in giving no- 
tice that they would maintain their rights at every 
hazard. Peaceably if they could so prevail, 
loicibly if necessary, even at the cost of civil 
war and disunion. They entertain opinions upon 
this subject which the people of the north deny. 
They entertain intentions which we believe to 
be at war with the best Interest of the country, 
and unfriendly to our eq'ial right to participate 
in the territories of the United States. These 
territories are the common property of the 
people. Their settlement should be encour- 
aged by just laws, favorable alike to the peo- 
ple of every State in the Union. The people 
of the north, desirous to participate in the right 
to emigrate thither, and carry with them their 
property, are willing that their southern breth- 
ren should enjoy the same privilege. They de- 
mand no right which they are not willing to con- 
cede to all others ; and they ask for the establish- 
ment ot just laws which shall secure this equality 
ol right. The people of the south claim all the 
rights which we demand f>r ourselves, and be- 
sides this, ask to be permitted to transfer to these 
territories a species ot projierty possessed by 
ihem, the existence of which we esteem prejudi- 
cial to the welfare of republican communities. — 
This is the question in a simple form, and we 
are called upon to say whether we are v\illing to 
prejudice our just and equal claim to occupy 
ihese territories, or whether we will consent to 
the introduction of chattel slavery, and virtually 
exclude ourselves from these territories. Com- 
moD justice to ourselves foibids that we should 



10 



do this ; a decent regard for the ri>;lit8 oi posteri- 
ty also foibids it. In the South thpy tell lis, do 
this or we will break our relation with you ; we 
will dissolve the federal compact. In thie North 
we reply that we have considered the subject 
well, that we are well disponed to our brethern 
in the South, hut that we will not consent to the 
fornier nor permit the latter ; we will neither ol- 
lovv the introduction of slavery, nor will we per- 
mit the dissolution of the Union to take place. — 
We fiave a right equal with the South in these 
territories, and we have also a right to all the 
benefits resulting from the union of these States 
Our riahls in the territoriesshall not be impaired 
by the introduction of slavery, and our rights to 
the advantages of the Federal Union, secured by 
the ciinsiitution, if disturbed by force, we will 
maintain by all necessary means. We say by 
these resolutions, that we will maintain the intfg- 
rity ot the Union — it is our solemn duly to do this, 
and to pledge our lives, our fortunes and our good 
name to sustain our glorious Union. Our fa'hers 
"plei'ged their lives, their fortunes, and their 
honoi" to secure the freedom of these Slates. — 
They established our Federal Union of Republi 



from which I have not jet entirely recovered. — 
In entering upon the discussion now, I do not 
propose to go fully into the merits of the ques- 
tion, but simply to call the attention of the House 
to a few of the mistakes made by gentlemen who 
have taken part in the debate. There has been so 
much said, that I should probably commit errors 
if I should select the remarks of any particular 
gentleman as the subject of comment. I do not 
intend to take up the subject in detail, neither 
my health nor strength of voice will permit it if 
I entertained the wish. I shall content myself 
with a simple correction of a few errors, and a 
brief allusion to some well known facts pertinent 
to the question, which, for some unaccountable 
reason, a few gentlemen in this House seem to 
have wholly forgotten. One gentleman had said 
that this proposition of " Free Labor, and Free 
Soil, was a modern whig abolition scheme to 
get votes." This remark was made by one gea- 
tleman in this House, who professes to belong to 
the democratic party, and assumes to be familiar 
with the history and principles of that party ; and 
there are upon this floor some ten or twelve oth- 
ers, some of them associating with the whig par- 



can StHles, Theend (or which they labored is leg- ty, and others of the number with the democra- 



ibly written in the Declaration of Independence. 
That end was the achievement, and establish- 
ment upon a safe and enduring basis of the na- 
tural lights of man— these rit;hts Ihey have enu- 
merated in that immortal instrument, the Declar- 
ation of Independence, to which they fearlessly 
attached their names, at every peril. Embar- 
rassed by tyranny in every form, by laws at war 
with the first rights of man, and by the presence 
of institutions and social relations in harmony 
only with tyranny, they resolved upon a glorious 
reform. That reform was begun by agitation — 
the Goddess of liberty conceived in agitation — was 
born in the fearful strife of conflicting opinions ; 
her swaddling clothes were Ihe banner of freemen 
uplilied in the cause of truth and humanity — her 
cradle was rocked in the storm of battle; fed of 
the blood of her nursing mother, she grew to 
maturity in the whirlwind of war, and when 
aweet peace succeeded the din of battle, she pre- 
sided in our councils. Of fair proportions, and 
capitivating beauty, benignity and love radient in 
every feature, she pointed our fathers onward to 
the consummation of the work so gloriously be- 
gun. That work was the elevation of the down- 
trodden millions of the world — the emancipation 
of man. To us is committed the sacred work of 
carrying forward their heaven-born designs. — 
Shall we falter in the discharge of a duty so hon- 
orable—so consonant with our prosperity and 
happiness? A duly hallowed in its origin, pleas- 
ureable in its execution, and by every circum- 
stance made imperative upon us ! 



REMARKS 

In Assembly, February 13, on the Slavery reso- 
lutions. 
Mr. BURROUGHS said :— When this subject 
was under consideration a few days ago, I wa^^ 
obliged to ask the indulgence of the House, 
to permit a postponement of the discussion for a 
few days, on account of indisposition. I was thei. 
laboring under the pressure of a severe cold, 



tic party, who give the abolitioni.sts proper, all 
the credit, or all the blame as it may chance, of 
opposition to Slavery, and Slave extension. I 
claim that hostility to Slavery is a democratic 
sentiment ; that the fathers of this Republic so 
regarded it : thai the Declaration of Independ- 
ence asserted this doctrine, and that our Revolu- 
tionary fathers. South as well as North, acknow- 
ledged Slavery to be an evil, and that in laying 
the foundation of this government, they intend- 
ed Ihe ultimate extirpation of human slavery.— 
The history of the country not only proves this, 
but it abundantly shows, that the work of eman- 
cipation was begun by the very men who assisted 
to frame the government. And although an evil 
of great magnitude, and so firmly fixed upon the 
country, so interwoven with the interests of al- 
most every class of society, such has been the 
constant persevering efforts of these great and 
good men, that Slavery, then spread over the 
whole country, (a single State excepted) is now 
limited and confined to less than half of the pop- 
ulated part of the country. Formerly slavery ex- 
isted upon the shores of Ontario and the banks of 
the St. Lawrence. It has now receded to the line 
of Virginia, and the spirit of Emancipation 
which has always existed throutihout the Union, 
has deep root in the heart and conscience, ot the 
great body of the people South of that State. 
Washington had no love tor Slavery. Jefferson 
was opposed to it, and all the great and good 
compatriotscf these illustrious men of the revo- 
lution, united with them in the wish and ex- 
pectation, that Slavery should fade away, as soon 
as the safety of the two races, would admit of its 
extinction. 

The ordinance of 17S7, excluding slavery from 
all that territory north of the Ohio river, is proof 
upon this point clear and indisputable. The 
agitation of the question, and the abolition of 
slavery, in the Northern States, is additional 
proof, if it were needed. Who were the men 
first to raise their voices in this great State in fa- 
yor of the emancipation of the slave ? Among 



11 



them, one I well rempnibor, *' than whom N***' 
York can boast no prouder sun, no j)urpr patriot, 
no better man." \Vh<) i;nar(le(l )oiir interests 
and lead you on to prosperiiy? Wlio stood t)y you 
amid the storms of war, overthrew the spirit o( 
facti(>n, nave to the caii-e of yonr distrarled, des- 
pondinu Cdunfry, all that he wa«, — all that he 
had to ijive, his lile, his (orfune and his tame — 
Who has ("oriiotten Daniki. D. Tompkins I ! ! ? — 
To the honor of the Slate it shoulcl he spoken 
that this was not then made a party question ! — 
Men si)oke their opinions unawed hy threatened 
proscri()lii)n; spoke as the people thoiifjl t; the apo- 
iog'ists of slavery were fietce as at this d.ty in their 
opposiiion to tree principles, hut they had not 
learned the art of dissimulation now so effectually 
employed hy some ahettors of slavery; who while 
they Kive " aid and corntbrt" to the South, hope 
to save the approbation of the Ireemen of the 
North, under ttie newly discovered pretence that 
it is not constitutional to legislate u|)on the sub 
ject. Sir, this constitutional dotibt is a modern 
invention, and I am apt to believe found its ori- 
gin in the minds of a few men to whom the 
" diff'ution of this domefttic viatitution'" was not 
very objectionable. There may be, and doubtless 
are, those \vho are honestly opposed to the extei:- 
sion of slavery, and would do all in their power 
to prevent it, who entertain doubts as to the 
rightful authority of Congress over this subject 
Sir, I bow with great respect to every such hon- 
est man. DuritiK the years 1S19 and 1S20, when 
the admission of Missouri into the Union as a 
Slave State, was under consideration in Congress, 
theiquestion produced great excitement, arid was 
freely and generally discussed among the people 
throughout the Union. The Legislatures of the 
several Stales then thought it expeiiient to in- 
struct their representatives in Congress upon the 
quesiion. In this State, the people were united 
and nearly unanimous then in their opposition to 
the extension o( Slavery. It was not a party 
question, no one thought of miking it a question 
of political division. A few members ot the Le- 
gislature of ttiis Stale, four in the Assembly and 
six in the Senate, were not opposed to the exten- 
sion of slavery — the records before me show liiis 
— and of this number, four resided in the city ol 
New York, two in its vicinity, one in Delaware 
couniy, and the other thiee in the central [)art ol 
the Slate. Out ot the city of New York public 
opinion was as sound and public policy as strohg 
as now ; and slavery had then but four ahetiors 
even in ttie city of New York, always so inti- 
mately indei.tified by its commercial interests 
with the South. 

jXovember 13, 1820. 
The following Preamble and Resolutions were 
adopted by the Assembly of this State: 

" Whereas, the Lrgjslaturc of this Stale, nt tlie Ijst ses- 
sion, (iiii instruct then Senators, aiiil n quest tlieir Hepre. 
seniblives in Co: gress, to oiipose Ihf admission as a State, 
into the Union, auyteiriioiy comiirised within the origi- 
nal bsuinJaries ul the United Males, w ituoul making tiie 
prohiliilion ot slavery therein, an indi.-pensal le coudilioii 
ot adniission; and, whereas, ihis Leyisiaiure is nii|iie>seil 
■with the coi reiUi ess ot the sentiments so communicated 
to our Senulorsand K- iJiesentatives, Theretoie, 

" Kesolved, (il the honorable the senate ccncur herein,) 
That this Legislatuie does wpprove of the pn ciphs con. 
tained m ihe reso.uuons of the last sessio^i; and, lurthei, 
if the provisions contained in any pro|)Osed constitution ol 
a new State, deny to any citizens ol the e:iijtiog states tbe 



privilegeii aiiil iiiiniuiiities ol ci'izcn'tof men n«w «lHle, 
that Mirh prcpo^cd consiitnution thuiild not be ocreiitcd 
orronlinnud; (lie name, in tin- opinion ol ijiin I.PKJilaturi*. 
lielng vol I liy the roinliiiilion til Iho United Slaic. And 
ilint our Heii'lorstio ln«tnn-leil, on I our Uc|ire«ent..tiTe« 
in CongrcsK be ivipieaied, to une their utmom exeriioni to 
prevent tlio acceptdiico andconlirmatiou of any aucb con- 
siilutlon 

" Ke.tolvpil. (ifllip honorable the Senate concur herein.) 
'I'lmt tlie Trehident ol Die Senate, and the ^'peaker ol the 
A-.xcnihly, do ciiu'-o ropien ol tlie'e lenolii lions, duly rer. 
tilled tiy Ihfin, to ti./ Ir.in-mitled to the Scuaiora and Ue« 
presenlativesin Congress from this slaie." 

The vote was, 

For the resolutions 117 

Ag.iinst them, 4 

The four members votiiiij in the negative were. 
Win A. Davis and y"/i« Swartiroiit, uf the city 
of New York, Krastus Hoot, of the county of De- 
laware, and Jonathan Demming, of the county of 
Onondaga. 

The same preamble and re.solutions passed the 
Senate November l.*), 1S20,— 23 Senators voting 
in the affirmative, and C in the nenalive. Those 
who Voted in the negative were Jonathan Day- 
ton, Walter Bowne, John Townsend and John 
Sifferts, from the Southern District, and John L 
Miller and John T. Moore, Irom the Middle Dis- 
trict. 

The question was not then embarrassed by con 
stitutional doubts. From the dawn o( our na- 
tional existence up to the year 1S46, this consti- 
tutional right had been recognized — had received 
what minht be properly termed universal a'sent. 
During the years 1S47 and 1S43, the Legislature 
of this State adopted resolutions declaring oppo- 
sition to the extension of slavery — affirming the 
power of Congress to prevent it by positive ordi- 
nance, and insisting upon the necessity of imme- 
diate action. Is it wise, is it expedient, now to 
reverse the settled policy of this State .' Is it fit 
that we should attempt to thro v doubt upon a 
question so long settled— so long acquiesced in 
liy the people of the whole Union. By what au- 
thority shall we do this ? do the people demand 
that we shall reverse the deliberate judgment of 
the nation .' Do our constituents ask or expect 
that we should retrace our ste))s and take up the 
(institution as though it were an original ques- 
tion, anil look after doubts to be placed in the 
way of their wishes — to bl ck the wheels of the 
advancing car of progress — to stay the march of 
Freedom. Let us consult the records of our coun- 
ty conventions. What have they done .' Has a 
single county convention in this State, held dur- 
ing Ihe canvass in 1S49, adopted resolutions de- 
nying the power ol Congress to legislate upon the 
subject of slavery.' if so, I have not read the re- 
cord. Has any gentleman on this floor any know- 
ledge of such record .' Sir, in almost every coun- 
ty in this Slate, at the conventions held to nomi- 
nate candidates for members of the Legislature, 
resolutions have been adopted expressly affirming 
Ihe power of Congress over this subject. In the 
couniy of F.rie, and I regret the gentleman (Vora 
that county (Mr. Ford,) is not in his seat, a very 
tari;e Democratic convention was assembled on 
the day that Keiillemaii received his nomination, 
resolutions were reported to the convention, by 
the Hon. H. K. Smith, one of the most able and 
eloquent supporters of General Cass in western 
New York. One of the resolutions introduced by 



12 



that ymtkmaii, and iulopied hy the ronventinn a" 
ext)re><sivp of ihe viewsi of the democrarv of Erif 
upon the question, expressly declare I their op- 
position to the extension of slavery, and affirmed 
the rightful au'hoiitvof Congress to legi-late so 
as to prtventit. At altimst everv Democratic 
county convention held in the State last fall, simi 
lar resolutions were wdopted. 

I am reminded that a few counties should he 
excepted, and was ahout to name six or eight 
counties where resolutions were adopted, expres 
sing their opposition to the extension of slavery, 
without affirming the powerot Congress over the 
subject : yet I believe that in these few counties 
a very large portion of the people, prob.bly a 
large majority, believe that Congress has this 
power. 

Mr. LF.LAND, of Oneida: I would like to 
know it the gentleman Irom Orleans voted for 
Cass and Riitlfr ? 

Mr BURROUGHS was proceeding with his 
remarks, when 

Mr LELAND again interrupted, and asked it 
the gentleman from Orleans did not vote for Mr. 
FoKij's resfdutions in ca\icus ? 

Mr BUKROUGHS-I will answer that ques- 
tion in due time. 

Mr. LELAND again interrupted Mr. B. with 
the same question. 

Mr FISK :I hope the Chair will not allow 
these interruptions. 

The CHAIR: These interruptions are en- 
tirely out of order. I hope gentlemen will pre- 
serve order. / 
Mr. LELAND: Task if the gentleman voted 
for Cass 

Mr. McINTOSH: I hope the gentleman will 
answer that question. 

The CHAIR: These interruptions are entirely 
out of order. 

Mr. DININNY: The gentleman from Or- 
leans, has not objected to the question. 

TheCHAIR: The interru|)tiim8 are out of or- 
der, and cannot be permitted whether the gentle 
man from Orleans objects or not. The rules 
of the House require order and gentlemen will 
be expected to abstain from these repeated inter- 
ruptions. 

Mr. BURROUGHS: There are some rules 
which gentlemen will observe which others are 
not expected to regard. If order can be preserved 
I will proceed. Sir, there can be no doubt that 
the prevailing opinion in this State is against 
the extension of slavery, and I assume and be- 
lieve it to be true, that ninety-nine out of every 
hundred of the voters of this State entertain a 
deep and abiding hostility to slavery extension; 
and the resolutions of your county conventions 
indicate that there is almost an equal unaniniity 
of opinion that Congress has the power to pre- 
vent it, and should exercise that power, by posi- 
tive prohibition if necessary. Is it necessary to 
prohit)it the extension of slavery by positive 
laws ? I have hoped that the existing laws 
would be respected ; that slaveholders would not 
venture into those territories with their slaves, 
until the existing laws should he repealed ; and 
have never entertained any fears that Congrfgs 
would repeal those laws. But, sir, in the South 



hitidipg tnrce. They deny their existence. — 
They insist upon Ihe right to carry their slaves 
into the territory ; we have read several accounts 
stating that large numbers of slaves h. d already 
been taken to New Mexico. These accounts are 
cotifirmed by gentlemen on the floor of Congress, 
and it is no longer a matter of doubt that large 
iiumbeis of slaves have already been carried 
there. Mr. Howard, a member of Congress from 
Ihe Soiith stated on the floor of Congress a few 
days ago, that .500 slaves were already in New 
Mexico, who had been taken there from the 
Southern States. Can it, then, longer be main- 
taineii that the soil and climate are impassible 
barriers to the iritroduction of slavery ? Is it safe 
to trust the laws of Mexico when they are not re- 
garded ? Seeing, then, that positive prohibition 
is the only safe course, shall we not call upon 
the Noith as " one man" to speak out in favor of 
freedom.' Where is the man in this State not 
pledged to such a course.' When the war which 
brought us this terii'ory was in progress. Sena- 
tor Dickinson opposed the agitation of Ihe sub- 
ject as ^' inexpeditnt and jtreinature" but he 
did not omit to state that the time would come 
when he would, in obedience to Northern sen- 
timent, reiterate its voice in Ihe Senate — he did 
not fail to tell the Senate what public opinion at 
the North was, and thereby indicated his own 
opinion. Here is the record : 

I read an extract from a speech of Mr. Dick- 
iNsov, in the Senate of the United State, March 
1 .1847 : 



" If we obtain any portion of the Mexican territory, it 
must be done by conquest or by conventional arrange- 
ment. Altliougti we have already conquered more than 
lialf the area ot that republic, and now hold it by military 
possession, we hold it thus as well for our own delence 
ani indemnity as to compel 1 fT to negotiate lor peace, and 
have no jurisdiction over it, except tliat ol military rule. 
Should Calilornia or any ottier portion be added to us in a 
trca y of peace, it would still require the legislation of 
Covgress lo provide for its teriitnrial govrnmenl , and upon 
th it occasion, should the coiilingeiicy happen, we can le. 
gislate for fruition and not lor hope. I have not jiariaken 
of the excitement which has prevailed here, and shall not. 
I have no gloomy Jorehodivg over the dissolution oj the 
Unioti. Politicians could not dissolve it il th. y would, and 
would not if they could. It will live on, long after « e are 
laid in the dust, and pillar alter pillar shall strengttien and 
adorn the edifice, while others- the venerable and grey 
he <ded, who are yet uniorn- shall occupy these seats, and 
these walls echo lo their voices I would not have sdded 
one word upon the subject of slavery, but it is due to the 
occasion thai my views upon it should he fully understood. 
So far OS I am advised or believe the giea- mass of the pec 
pie oJ the North enlei lain hut one opinion upon the sithject, 
and that is the same which is enleilained by many at the 
South. 

They regard the institution as a great moral and political 
evil, and would that it had NO EXlSTENtJE. They are 
not unaware ol the ditticulties which beset it, and do not 
intend to provoke sectional jealousy and hatred by ill- 
limed andmisplacid discussions. They will not listen to 
the cry of the fanatics, or favor the designs ot the politi- 
cal sfheniers Irom the North or the South; nor will they 
evi r disturb or trench upon the comiTomises of the Con. 
s'itution. They helieve the institution to be local and 
domestic— to be established or abolished by the States 
tliemselves, and alone sulject to their contio!. and that 
Federal legislation can have but little infiiience over it. 

But being thus the institution of a local sovereignty, and 
a (ranchise peculiar to itself, they deny that such sovereign- 
ly orils people can JUSTLY CLAM Ihe right to regard it 
ns TUAN.>lTORy,nn<i/oejvc^ it in Ihe Territories of the 
United States without the AUTHOHITY of ( o^GRF.S9, 
and they helievethat Congrfes may prohibit 1 I'S INTRO- 
DUCTION INTO THE TEKBl'lOIilHS while they re- 



ihey deny that the laws of Mexico have any I main such, ^tid Jurther, that its prohibiiion into the ter 



13 



rilon'es will, hy sivhij; lliem a fire }>ofiuliilii>ii, at tliry h' 
coiiir stairs te»d '• In fur in n no-re jietfecl Uiiiim. nUihlith 
jusHc, ensure domestic traiipiilily, jiroviile fnr the romvion 
defence, prjinue the generitl wellitre, ami secure the blest, 
ingt of lilieily In uursrlces and our jioalerity." 

Mr. Dick iiidon said it was due fn the nrraiinn, 
that "h]A vieiva sti(i\il<l be iinders'OMl," hp then 
proceeds to stale the iiosiiinti nt ttie north an t 
gives 'oit the slronse^f fndiirsemeiit |)()ssihle, l>y 
addini; the elorinetit (ireainhle to llie Cnrislilulion 
of the United Stales. 

At a Democratic Cotivenfion, held at Rome, on 
the Ifith of Aulmh', Is^li), Mr. Dirk in-son -iaid in a 
speech belore llie Coiu'entinri, that he was n|i- 
posed to slave extension ^"he^e are his word- 
quoted froT. his printed speech, donhtless writ- 
ten out by himsejl ; — " On this tcrritorin/ sfavf ry 
que''ti(»}, my pi>s>tiou m this : I nm, a.i n>t iriili- 
vidtial am/ a It vi^latur, not in fnnor of the tr- 
trnsion of s/nrtrt/, biit out ami out, ii/i and 
tloirn, live or the, I nm opiio'oil In its extiitsioti 
[Applause] That in umUrstooil, I nupfhi.ie" 

Sir, I heard that sjieech delivered; 1 heard 
the words which I have quoted ottered bv the 
honorable Senator. I witnessed Ihe thuiiderinu 
applau-ie which lollmved. It was a democratic coti- 
vention! assembled to consider this great question. 
When (he honorable Senator uttered thit senti- 
ment, I remembered his vote to admit Oreenn 
with a prohibition ai-ainst slavery in her organic 
law — a vote reconnizins: the constitutional pow- 
er of Congress. Take this declaration and the 
former vote, )dace them under each other, and let 
me ask who will venfi-re so far to impeach 
the intesrity of Daniel S. Dickinson a.s to 
deny that he will vote topROHiniT the extension 
of slavery, when called upon to do so by instruc- 
tions fiom the Legislature of the State which he 
represents. Sir, it is slander without a jiarallel 
to bring such a charge. His worst enemies 
could not suspect him of this, without believing 
him capable of descending to any depth of treach- 
ery — to himself atid to the State which he rep- 
resents Sir, in all our democratic journals, in 
this State and throughout the North, opinions 
hostile to the extension of slavery have been de- 
cla>"'?d and often reiterated durinii; Ihe last three 
years. Here is an example 
Albany Argus, Jan. 19, 1S47 : 

" The (lift'renre between the an'ajnnist proposition is, 

I not in the |iniicipie asserted -/or all cnnc.ar in Ihe pra/ntsi- 

lion that slavery ought rot to lie expended (.). or rei oai^i^ed 

in, Ihe veiv leniti'ry -inn WilKN the question stiall be 

mooted and acled upon " 

In the same paper I find on the 22d day of Jan- 
uary, 1347, a long editorial, from which 1 make 
thefollowinK extract: 



" Bui why, we ask,'" says tlie Troy Whig, albiding to 
Mr. f. I<is(;'s anti-slavrry pioposition " doi s thr Argus, 
if in favor ot Ihi^ iiriticiplc olgect to its beins carriod out 
NOW 7" Chi. fly because the agitation at this moment — 
m anticipation ol the imt* at winch its usilu^oH may be. 
come necessa'y or unavoidable — is fraught with mischief, 
or is at lea^t hurtlul to the interests and well-t>eing ol the 
country. At a period ol wnr wlien all the energies of the 
nation ought to b.? directed to the prompt and encgetic 
apf licalion of war means, and to a visorous proseru ion of 
■war measures, to throw into the discussion a qurs:ion, 
which has ever been an element of division and sec- 
tional feeling, and a fiuitlul source of contentmn and e.\> 
excitement between two great section-; of the Union — can 
serfe no good purpose, must throw emhirrassmcnts into 
our councils, and must retard and interrupt iaJispeosable 
measures for the prosecution ot the war. 



" VVk woi'LD i-iioMiBiT iLAVt nv iiieVHiy (' rritury— and 
we would moot tli>' q'leiiliiiii wbenrvor Ihe liTrDon iihitii 
hive hi-cn ni-qnlreil. mid upon il^admimion biln the Union, 
eiili.i o« a S I A IK or TKUItl lOltV We would no' at- 
lin)|it to do it >i.iu'- li. r iMfce, wliili- il wonll »i-arrely fail 
to i'iiili:irrn<« the Ailniniiit'n'ion. on I |i'i'nt>7.i- or retard 
llie IcitlpcnRnlde nc'ion ol (.ongres* Bid Ihe goveriiineot, 
it could »crvo no iniinediaiu good purpose. 

On the 2S h of J inuarv, |s|7, a rPHolufion was 
under con^iileraiion in the Senate of this Slate; 
vhich F quote : — 

"npsolvid. That ifany terri'ority l< hereafter acq'iired 
•ly the t'hl'ffl^siaies or annexed ihi-relo, the art by which 
Mirli icrri'iry Is nrquip-d or annexed, wliatevi-r such net 
mjy bi', Bhould contumnn uiiaberalilc 'nn lann-ntal arlcle 
or provision wheu'liy slavery or involuntary »crviiudi', 
o\o 'lit as a imiiislimi-nt lor crime, sliall lie f.irevcr excluded 
Irum the teirilory HC<iuired or annexe 1. ' 

This resolution was copied into the Arguft, and 
here is the editorial comment uuon if : — 

" To the ofneral scope an 1 spirit of the rrtn/ii'inni nt the 
proper lime, nn oljectio't has liren or (',OVt,l) UK taken — 
I'o ihi- assertion of the princlptt a' a proper occation, and 
torproprrohjecls, ALL WILL ASSKN T." 

These extracts will serve to remind gentlemen 
of the course to which they stand pleili(etl by pro- 
IVsions of a d.ite so recent, that it would seern 
meinnrii's of common fidelity, should be able to 
recall them. 

1 have been asked hy gentlemen how I voted 
upon this subject in the '^ JJcmocrntie Cmicns," 
as they term it. And having finished a brief re- 
view of the act.s of this State, the acts of the de- 
mocratic party, the opinions of distinguished of- 
ficials, and Ihe opinions of leading political j lur- 
nals, I will answer the questions of gentlemen in 
relation to the Caucus referred to, and in doin(( 
so, if, to the proper undeistaiiduie' of the whole 
matter, T shall occupy a greater length of t'me 
upon this point than may piove interesting fn the 
other side of the House, the manner in which 
this svibject has been brought up, will, 1 hope he 
esteemed a sufTicietit excuse. I n ordf r to a prop- 
er understanding of this matter, I shnll be obliged 
to allude to this Caucus, in its inception, to state 
its design, (it design it had) to detail its com- 
mencement, its history, with all its incidents, so 
tar as fhev shall be material, and time will admit. 
Mr LEL.AND: — I want an answer to my ques- 
I read trom the 1 tion— that's all. 

Mr. BURROUGHS :-You shall have an an- 
swer, bear yourselll patiently. 1 have been a*k- 
ed questions, and shall answer them, but shall be 
held justified I hope, if I answer in my own way 
— and if I <to not give, gentlemen, entire satisfac- 
tion, I will allow them to amend and repeat these 
questions, -oas to get at the sut)ject just now, 
material and intertitting to them. Sir, when 
resolutions were introduced into this House upon 
the subject of Slavery, coming as they did, 
" tliicli and fast" from every quarfer, I thought 
it desirable to refer them all to one committee, that 
this question might be properly considered, and a 
report made reflecting justly and fairly, the views 
of the people of this Slate. The whigs have 
seemed desirous of obliging us to vote upon res- 
olutions, which were, to me, objectionable, be- 
cause they contained one relating to the bounda- 
ries of Texas, which 1 thought not called for by 
public senlinient, and calculated to embarrass 
members of this House, who were opposed to the 
extension of Slavery, but had doubts (to say the 
least) in reUtion to this boundary question. The 



14 



whiusuiKeil iiniiiecliate aciinn, and proposed td 
go into cornniitiee of the whole, at once. I pre- 
ferreil a report from a committee, l)elievina; ttut 
we should thereby save lime ; and to iiulurf 
members to vote to send the siioject tn a commit- 
tee, I pledged myselt to vote to go into commit- 
tee of the whole, as soon as such comsnitrep 
should report. The Hoii<e, in view of the mat- 
ter, voted to refer all the resoluti<ins upon the 
subject to a select committee Soon I heard 
some member ot the democratic (laity propose 
ttiat there should be a nieetinif of the democrats, 
to c<msider the matter. I asked if the committee 
were to call a Caucus, and was answered in the 
negttive. 

Well, sir, no notice was given, but if wa.e whis- 
jterrd around in a sort ot '* con/idtnlia/ wat/,''' 
that the democrants were to have a meeting in 
the evening. I came alone; with others to see 
what was to be done; we met in the Senate cham- 
ber, appointed a chairman, called the roll atid 
found a larfje portion of the members of the fam 
sly were jiresent — not all, however. After a 
pause, it was piifii^ssted " that the mettin^ was 
dfiSfiiibhd fur the purpose of cimtii I tins as t<> 
irhefher the Select Coinnnitee of the Jlssernb/y 
to be ajipointeU upon the subject of Slavery 
shotil'l be advised what resolutions to report In 
the H'litse'" Alter some consultation as to the 
propi iety of such a course, a motion was made that 
a committee of eight — four from the Senate and 
tour from the Assembly — should be appointed, tc 
be constituted by the a|)pointinent of equal mem- 
bers from each of the former divisions of the 
party, with a view to consider the matter. Tiii- 
{^ave rise to debate, which was chit fly to the ef- 
fect that the question was not to be treated as a 
party question; that there were differences ot 
opinion among our constituents tipon this sub- 
ject, and it was understood on all hands that it 
was not intended or proposed to make the sub- 
ject a political ffs^ The Hon Mr. Brandreth 
of the Senate took this view of the matter, "that 
gentlemen must be entirely at liberty to act as 
individtials, according to their several views, 
their must be no restraint or attempt to restrain 
or control private opinion upon this question ; 
that we were all opposed to the extension ot sla- 
very, but not unanimous es to what should be 
done; that there were honest difTerewce of opin- 
ion upon this point, and those honest o()lo!on^ 
every democrat would respect and tolerate." 1 
responded to that sentiment, and stated substan 
tially,that at all our recent meetings among demo- 
crats throujihout (he Slate, as far as I was advis 
ed, it had been agreed to be recognized as good 
policy, that diflerence of opinion upon this sub- 
ject should not constitute a ground of political 
discrimination: that some members of the dem- 
ocratic party were opposed to any action, and 
d'.^.bled the right of Congress to act upon the 
sutiject: some believed that Congress had the 
power to prevent the extension of slavery, but 
doubted the expediency of interfering : while 
others held that Congress possessed full power 
over the subject, and regarding the crisis at 
prcsetit requiring action, insist ihat there is the 
most urgent necessily for immediate, positive 
prohibitory legislation. That in a large majori- 
ty ot the cuuQties of this state, at the conventions 



held to nominate memtiers of this le^isl iture, re- 
solutions had been adopted expressly declaring 
that Congress had lull power over the subject, 
and should immpfliately provide against the ex- 
tension ot slavery; and that members holding 
seats here were pledged to their constituents to 
suppoit such views, arid couhl not do otherwise 
than vote for strong resolutions upon the sub- 
ject. That lor myself, I was so instructed by a 
unanimous vote of the convention at which I was 
nominated, and I was pledged to such course by 
every consideration of duty as a repre-entative 
and respect to my own opinions ; and that no ac- 
tion ot this caucus could alter my obligations. — 
My duly was imposed by an authority higher 
than all others — the anthority of my constituents, 
unanimously given; and that I had no ritjht to 
disobey; that a large majority of the members 
present were siniilarly situated, and could not 
honorably do otherwise than vote in accordance 
with the resolutions adopted in their county con- 
ventions. That the gentleman from Westches- 
ter, and those who were similarly situated, would 
of course vote so as to express their own views 
md the views of their constituents, and no de- 
mocrat had any riaht to call in que.-lion their 
votes, nor was it to be presumed that any one 
would attempt to do so. 

That it had been well settled, in various demo- 
cratic assemblages of this State, met with special 
reference to this subject; that private opinion 
.vas to be tolerated without question, and that 
not being held a party question, every man was 
expected to act upon his own views. That I 
did not suppose this meeting intended to adopt 
any different rule, if it did, then it certainly was 
demanded that the circumstances of the me«'ting 
should be more formal. That I did not under- 
stand that any one proposed to introduce any inno- 
vation in the democratic creed, or pre>crit)e any 
new test. With this understanding, 1 did not object 
to the appointment of a committee to cun-ult as 
to what the Assembly committee should report, 
hut whatever that report might be, every man 
would be entirely at liberty to vote for himself 
aiid his constituents, as he should jud^e best 
without question ; and ttie caucus 1 did not sup- 
pose or believe could intend otherwise. To such 
sentiments, thus expressed, in terms the most 
distinct, no man objected. No sir, not one 
man. Not only was there no objection made, 
but the Hon. Senator from the 7ili Distiicl, Mr, 
Brandreth, responded to the sentiments thus 
ex.iressed by myself as being in all respects just 
and comm.en<lable, and as indicating the true 
course to be pursued, indeed the onl) course 
which could be pursued with propriety. Every 
man who spoke in that c.nucus concurred in the 
same view. No man proposed to add a new ar- 
ticle to the democratic creed. Sir, with sech an 
expression — with such object — with such inten- 
lioii di^tinclly declared and acquiesced in by all, 
the motion to appoint a committee was adopted, 
and a committee appointed. The committee met. 
Six out of eight, composing that committee, 
agreed to report a resolution. Declaring "that 
Congress had the right to prohibit the exiensioQ 
of slavery into territories and should exercise 
that right." 
Several other resolutions were adopted, tnd 



15 



when it whs proposed that iti<* rpr4oluiinn adtipl 
eil he reported to the adjoiiriiod rneetmir, otif 
memher (>f the rnmrniltee olijiTfed, that it' it wr»» 
done, /le " woiihl make a minority report " Tfie 
committee then adjourned to a snh-ieqiient day; 
ond at the second meeelinu the same memher in- 
BJsted upon the course which he had pnr«ne<l nt 
B former meeting. Atu) if heini^ under-'iood that 
the tentleman was to he chairman ot.Ihe A-J'eni- 
bly committee, and wnnid not airree to renort re- 
!)oltition<i w hich fhouhl i;o liirlher than every man 
in the party was willini: to support, a 8tih<<titiite 
was allowed, which decliued " opposition to the 
sxtension of slavery, and proposed Itie adoption 
of all constitutional means to prevent such exten- 
sion." When the-e resolutions were reported to 
the suhseqiienf meetintr, ot)j»ction.s were made hy 
several gentlemen "' that thev did not come up to 
the opinions nt the democratic party — that a tirent 
majority believed that Congi-ss possessed the 
power — that but few donljled this power, and 
that, fiS legislators, we shouk! fiirly represen' 
their opinions hy a frank declara'i<m to that ef- 
fect, which should not he susceptible of douht " 
Several gentleman thonijht the resolutions upon 
that subject would he so construed as to admi' 
the power. Several urned this as the fair con- 
slructicm, if not the only construction. 

The ijeiitlernan who reported the resolutions to 
the Caucus. (Mr. Ford.) claimed this to be the 
fair construction, and so stated when his atten- 
tion was requested to that point hy the Kf'ntle- 
man from Herkimer, (Mr. Root); and when an 
honorable Ser.ator (Mr. Fox,) enquired why he 
had not used lan);uace admiitinij of no doubt, the 
pen'leman from Eiie replied that he " thuimht 
the la'tatiage pfain anil the construction plain, 
and that snch would be the t^eneral constrttr- 
tion " As to myself, and the cour>e I pursued in 
caucu*, I propose to state briefly wt^at I saicl, and 
gentlemen etiall have the full benefit of the 
statement. When the question was about to be 
put " on agreeing Ih^it the resolutions should he 
reported by the Assembly Commiitee," I rose and 
said: " That I had but to reiiernie the opinion^ 
which I had presented to the former meetinsj: 
that it was due to myself and to others who 
agreed with me in opinion, to say, that the reso 
lutions did not expressly declare (he power oi 
CoiiKress, and were equivocal, and loV their un- 
certainly tlid not meet my cordi.)! approval — 
That they did not deny any ouinion which I en 
tertrined or which my constituents hold, and I 
should not object to the committee recioriint 
them, though 1 preferred a resolution affirminL' 
the power ot Congress expressly, and niiisl vnte 
iti the House for such a resolttlivn, if ojffrred l/i/ 
any one.'' The hon. gentleman trom St Lu\- 
reiice, Mr. Dart, Mr Horton, and several 
others loo numerous to name or be remembered, 
reiterated substantially the same views. Whtn 
the vote was taken, I was standing on the floor, 
and was no doubt understood as voiing in ttie al- 
firmative. I did uot intend to oppose the repori. 
It was riot necessary tl at I should: several had 
claimed that they ghoul. I vote for a resolution 
affirmative of constitutional power. No man had 
ventured to deny or call in question that right ; 
and it would have been denying to others a rmht 
which I claimed fur myself, to insist that they 



sliould positively recos^mze a power on wnich 
'hey ent.rtained d..iil)N. I acted then as 1 -hall 
tct to diy — recognized the rinht of oihem lo vote 
lor their own opinionH and insisted unon that 
ruht for myself 

Sir, what is the point to which exception it 
taken { What is the difTerence hetweeci itu- peg- 
rilniion of the gtmileman from New Voik (Mr. 
KaY.mond.) as amend'il hv tne nenllemrn from 
H''rkiiner ( Mr. Hoot), and the resolu'ion cdered 
by the Kentleipari from Krie .> Simply ihii. the 
lormer expressly aflirmg the power of Cruisiregs 
over ttiis siihjeci; the la'ier is ihouirhf to he equi- 
vocal on that point. Thf)iinh the Kenilem;iii fiom 
F'rie claimed in caiicu-, th.if " a fair intrr/trrta- 
tion of hi^ rexoluliun wonhl recognize Ihf r.on- 
itiluii<inal /lower " Where is the gr.iii,,d of 
complaint then if a word or two is waniKn; to 
make the interpretation plain.' Do Kemlemen 
object to tlie addition of these words, when they 
do but make the s^ntence clear.' Does any man 
here deny the power of Conijress over this sub- 
ject .' 1 have heard no man deny it. There is 
no man here here to deny it. Sotne n ay doubt ; 
hut, sir, these doubts, I apprehend are not very 
strong, or we should have heard them uttered 
before this. But, sir, let iis see if this cirtitn that 
members were " bouriil, pledged'' to vote lor the 
caucus resoiuiii>ns and ^nothing tlse' — not a word 
les- — not a word more— is not an" afler thouiht'* 
in.ide for effi-ci on I he part of some nix or eight 
members on this floor, to serve the priva'e pur' 
/'osrs of » /eiv men. And regard in;; it pertinent 
lo the controversy, let us see what consriuc- 
lion others have already put upon the acts of thig 
"Caucus" Fir<t, then, the gentleman fronn 
Erie ( VI r. Ford.) before reporting the resolutions 
to the House udilid one respecting the District 
of Ciiluoibia, and essentially amended another. 
Uoes this hok like lavnring the construction 
Ahich he alterwards endeavored to give to the 
effect of the caucus? 

Sir, if his last onstruction has any truthlul« 
ness, he ha*, with his o.vn lips and bv his own 
acts, left ns no room lo doubt to whom theharsti 
npithetof "Dishonor" should apply, if applic.ible 
toanyone. Bit, sir, this is not all ; the democratic 
Senators did not so understand it. Will these 
.ientlemen call every member of that honorable 
Dody in the Senate helemjinsr to the democratic 
party, a " dishonorable man?" Why, Sir, ihey 
not only voted, Ait'i a li-w exceptions, tor the re- 
solutions of Mr. Geddes, but in fact ameiKifd I he 
main resoluiion, making it much stronger than 
ttie whigs d.sired it, — so stronii, in faci, that -ome 
of the wtiius refused lo sustain it ! D>) tentlemen 
mean to bring this charge of bad faith ai;ain8t 
i-veiy man wtio votes tor any other than the cau- 
cus resolutions} If so, they will h.ive a /(/- 
tie dishonor to divide among themselves, 1 ap- 
prehend, for several of thesu same gentlemen 
have niven us to understand, in language not to 
t)e mistaken, that they intend votint lor the DOX- 
ology to Gen. Ta\lor. Immortal Jupiter! what 
sacrifices will not gentlemen make for the love 
Ihey have of their precious "honor and good 
faith"' 

Sir, who are these champions of "/lonor" who 
presume lo bring charges of bad faith, in view of 
all that was said and dune in caucus, and since. 



16 



up to this time. I would like to see the man I 
who (tares to call my honorable friend from Her 
kimer, (Mr. Root) a "dishonorable man." Show 
me the man, who will bring this charge of di^*- 
honor agiinst my friend from Greene, (Mr 
Green ;) and I will send him to that KentlemenV 
\jprinht, intelligent, iiidifjnant constituency in 
the county of Greene, to repel the slander, and 
drive it down the throat of the base accuser. — 
Not less than thirty democrats upon this floor, 
fully endorse and sustain all that the honorable 
gentleman from Herkinrier and Greene, have done 
Will you brand all these as dishonorable men ! ! .' 
And who is the man — who are the men that 
mean to do this? They should be men whose 
•• word misht stand against the world!!!— but 
who are they! ! I? I shall let, your emphatic 
silence answer— and leave the "unmoving finger 
of scorn," to point at him who shall venture up- 
on such an experiment. 

I must not omit to express to the House my 
thanks lor their patient attention this afternoon 
To a portion of the House I owe an apology for 
occupying so much time in relati(m to a caucus 
in which it is to be presumed they cannot have 
taken any interest. To thesfeadlast men of this 
House I will not omit to express my thanks for 
their fidelity to the cause of human liberty, at a 
time when it has been deserted by professed 
friends, and the timid consulting their tears, leave 
patrins to doubt what the is-ue will be. 1 have 
to express my hit^h admiration of the very able 
and eloquent speech of the gentleman froaa New 



Vork, (Mr. Raymond,) and althouah I cannot 
concur in all the views expressed therein, no one 
can more admire the love of human freedom 
^vhich indited, and the genius which produced it. 
That gentleman seems to suppose thir'. from a has- ^ 
ly reading of the President's Message, I had de- 
rived'impressions which would not be sustained 
by a more careful perusal. I have only to repeat ^ 
I hat several careful readings of that document 
have served only to deepen my first impressions 
of the design of the author ; and although the 
gentleman Irom'N. Yorjc labors with great skill 
10 convince himself and'.others that the Message 
IS not hostile to the spirit of these resolutions, his 
logic is unequal to the task — the inference is 
larger than the premises. I should be gl*d, if 
time and strength would allow, to review the Mes- 
sage of the President with greater care, but hav-^ , 
ing already occupied the time of the committee'x] 
longer than I had intended, 1 will yield the floor 
(o others. 



Note.— It is a significant fact th^l ike principal expoun. 
iler ot wtiat wtis saiJ and done in caucus, was .\lr. Bishop 
1)1 Ma li^on, who was not ptesent at either metling ; yet he 
comes lorward to bring cliaiges against mombers lor infi- 
deliiy to tlie caucus and makes himself the " standing wit- 
uess" io prove the charge ; not unlike otUer •' standiiig 
witnesses," tes.il'ying to matters ot which he had no know. 
ledge. 

Mr. Brownell, another expounder of the caucus, tho' 
elected as a Democrat and professed friend of Kree poii, 
In his speech repudiates the right of instruction — denies 
hat it is democratic doctrine, and characterises the reso. 
lutioDS as intended for " Buncombe," and humbug, at best. 



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